https://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/issue/feedMalaysian Journal of International Relations2025-12-25T00:00:00+08:00Editor-in-Chief editor_mjir@um.edu.myOpen Journal Systems<p style="text-align: justify;"><strong>The Malaysian Journal of International Relations, MJIR (eISSN 2600-8181)</strong> is an open-access, peer-reviewed journal published biannually by the <a href="http://fass.um.edu.my/departments/international-strategic-studies">Department of International and Strategic Studies</a>, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Universiti Malaya. The MJIR welcomes original contributions related to international relations, foreign policy, diplomacy, political science, international political economy, strategic and security studies, and related fields, to be considered for publication. In particular, the journal welcomes manuscripts with a focus on international relations in the Asia-Pacific.</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Publication Type: Electronic<br />Publication frequency: 2 times per year (June and December)<br />Publisher: Department of International and Strategic Studies, Universiti Malaya, Malaysia</p> <p style="text-align: justify;">Indexed and Abstracted by <a title="Scopus" href="https://www.scopus.com/home.uri">SCOPUS</a>; <a href="https://doaj.org/toc/2600-8181?source=%7B%22query%22%3A%7B%22filtered%22%3A%7B%22filter%22%3A%7B%22bool%22%3A%7B%22must%22%3A%5B%7B%22terms%22%3A%7B%22index.issn.exact%22%3A%5B%222289-5043%22%2C%222600-8181%22%5D%7D%7D%2C%7B%22term%22%3A%7B%22_type%22%3A%22article%22%7D%7D%5D%7D%7D%2C%22query%22%3A%7B%22match_all%22%3A%7B%7D%7D%7D%7D%2C%22size%22%3A100%2C%22_source%22%3A%7B%7D%7D">Directory of Open Access Journals (DOAJ)</a>; <a href="https://search.crossref.org/?q=MJIR">Crossref</a>; <a href="http://www.myjurnal.my/public/browse-journal-view.php?id=403">MyCite (Malaysian Citation Index)</a>; <a href="http://road.issn.org/">Directory of Open Access Scholarly Resources (ROAD)</a></p>https://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/57059THE BUMIPUTERA POLICY AND MALAYSIAN BRAIN DRAIN: POLITICS AND BELONGING AS KEY PUSH FACTORS2025-01-06T16:11:56+08:00Siti Asdiah Masrans.asdiah.masran@gmail.com<p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">An increasing number of Malaysian professionals are migrating overseas, resulting in a persistent brain drain with profound implications for the nation’s economic development and social cohesion. This paper examines the key push factors driving professional Malaysians to leave their home country, focusing on political inequities, a sense of not belonging, and economic constraints. Using qualitative data from focus group interviews, this study identifies the race-based affirmative action "Bumiputera policy" as a critical factor influencing both Bumiputera and non-Bumiputera professionals. While initially designed to address socioeconomic disparities, these policies have fostered perceptions of inequity, limiting the attachment of skilled Malaysians to their homeland. Despite initiatives like TalentCorp aimed at reversing brain drain, these efforts remain inadequate without systemic reforms. The study contextualises these findings within broader migration theories, offering insights into the interplay between systemic barriers, cultural alienation, and economic dissatisfaction. Policy recommendations include promoting inclusivity, strengthening meritocratic systems, and fostering a unified sense of belonging to curb migration trends. </span></em></p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttps://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/58897PERENNIAL THREAT OF TERRORISM IN PAKISTAN POST-2021: CASE STUDY OF NEWLY MERGED DISTRICTS (NMDS) 2025-03-02T14:51:14+08:00Ehsan Ahmed Khanehsanahmedkhan471@gmail.comSafia Mansoorgilani.safia123@gmail.com<p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Pakistan has been a victim of terrorism in different forms and manifestations for decades now. While the state apparatus has been repeatedly applied to quell this menace, the phenomenon has continued to dominate the security dynamics of Pakistan. In this context, this paper examines the evolving security environment in Pakistan’s Newly Merged Districts (NMDs), formerly known as the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), in light of shifting regional geopolitical dynamics. Despite long-standing state efforts to counter terrorism, militant violence continues to shape Pakistan’s security landscape. Focusing primarily on Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the study explores how a gradual process of radicalisation, driven by grievances, networks, ideology, and enabling conditions, has sustained religious extremism in the region. It contributes to existing scholarship by integrating structural and precipitant factors to provide a comprehensive analysis of why terrorism persists in NMDs. Structural factors identified include political exclusion, social disparities, poverty and weak local economies, governance deficiencies, and a porous border with Afghanistan. Precipitant factors encompass TTP leadership dynamics, organisational restructuring, the support of the Afghan Taliban, reunification of splinter groups, political instability, and the proliferation of financial and logistical resources. Employing a qualitative, exploratory approach based on secondary sources, the study argues that no single factor explains the endurance of terrorism in NMDs. Instead, a combination of long-term structural conditions and short-term triggers necessitates a robust, multifaceted mitigation strategy. It concludes that implementing five Lines of Effort (LOEs) is essential to achieving sustainable peace in the region. </span></em></p> <p> </p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttps://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/59618AN EVALUATION OF MALAYSIA’S FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS HAMAS IN THE BARISAN NASIONAL ERA2025-03-13T06:01:53+08:00Muslim Imranmacademic14@gmail.comRoy Anthony Rogersrarogers@um.edu.myK S Balakrishnanksbalakrishnan@um.edu.my<p><em>This paper examines Malaysia's evolving relationship with Hamas during the Barisan Nasional era (1957–2018), focusing on the interplay of domestic politics, international pressures, and Islamic solidarity. Historically, Malaysia has been a steadfast supporter of the Palestinian cause, with varying degrees of engagement with Hamas. Under Prime Minister Najib Razak, Malaysia's approach was characterised by humanitarian assistance and diplomatic support for Palestine, including visits to Gaza and interactions with Hamas leaders. Malaysia refrained from recognising the Western designation of Hamas as a “terrorist organisation”, maintaining diplomatic relations with the Palestinian Authority as well as Hamas, and supporting Palestinian unity. This study analyzes how Malaysia's Islamic identity, domestic political considerations, and other foreign policy constraints influenced its stance towards Hamas. It also explores the implications of Malaysia's position on its international relations, particularly with Western nations that classify Hamas as a terrorist entity. The findings suggest that Malaysia's policy towards Hamas was a balancing act, aiming to uphold Islamic solidarity and domestic political interests while navigating complex international dynamics. </em></p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttps://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/57181POROUS BORDERS AND INSECURITY: A STUDY OF NIGERIA-NIGER BORDER 2025-02-24T18:56:49+08:00Sunday Omojowoomojowost@tasued.edu.ngAsimiyu Adenuga adenugaao@tasued.edu.ng<p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Borders remain a vital component of a nation’s security architecture, serving as both the first line of defence and the final safeguard of territorial integrity. In many developing countries, particularly in Africa, borders are problematic due to their porosity and inadequate demarcation. This paper examines the factors contributing to the porous nature of the Nigeria–Niger border. It employs a desk review research method and draws on structural–functional theory as its analytical framework. It argues that the Nigeria–Niger border is porous not only because of its vast expanse but also due to unprofessional and corrupt practices among border officials, which are consistently exploited by non-state actors such as bandits and terrorists. These vulnerabilities have enabled widespread insecurity affecting both nations. The paper further contends that the porous border has facilitated significant economic sabotage and a breakdown of law and order, posing serious threats to the territorial sovereignty of Nigeria and Niger. The study concludes that the Nigeria–Niger border is inadequately secured, allowing armed non-state actors to operate with impunity and potentially contributing to state fragility. It therefore recommends that both governments invest in advanced technological surveillance tools, including drones and sensors, and address the underlying drivers of crime, such as poverty and unemployment, through robust economic and developmental policies. </span></em></p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttps://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/58803THE EUROPEAN UNION (EU)’S CHANGING FOREIGN POLICY TOWARDS ASEAN: UNDERSTANDING FROM A COMBINED LENS OF HISTORICAL INSTITUTIONALISM AND POLITICAL LEARNING2025-03-24T10:49:40+08:00Lunyka Adelina Pertiwilunyka.pertiwi@gmail.com<p><em>The EU approach to its foreign policy towards ASEAN has changed since 2014. This article aims to offer insights into the dynamics of the EU-ASEAN relations, particularly focusing on the EU’s foreign policy. It employs an analytical framework based on historical institutionalism and political learning to explore why and how the EU has changed its normative foreign policy to a strategic one concerning ASEAN. The analysis is initiated by examining the intensified dispute in the South China Sea demonstrating China’s more ambitious maritime policy as a pivotal moment for the EU’s perceptions towards ASEAN. The aspects of the EU's prior experiences and internal divergence will be included to weigh into analysis. Consequently, the EU has undergone a measured shift in its political beliefs towards ASEAN but still engages with normative aspects in a subtle way. The EU has recognised ASEAN as a partner in upholding peace and stability and has started establishing connectivity through a strategic partnership. </em></p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttps://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/59519THE IMPACT OF LÈSE MAJESTÉ LAWS AND AUTHORITARIAN RULE ON DEMOCRACY IN THAILAND 2025-05-21T19:51:28+08:00Sigitsigitcandrawiranatakusuma89@gmail.comTheofilus Jose Setiawan tfjoses07@gmail.comElizabethelizabethzg.05@gmail.com<p><em>This paper aims to analyse the impact of lèse-majesté and authoritarian regimes on Thailand using the distribution of power as the conceptual framework. Thailand’s contemporary political landscape reflects a persistent tension between constitutional democracy and entrenched authoritarian structures. Although formally a constitutional monarchy, the country continues to rely on legal and military instruments that suppress political participation. A central element in this dynamic is the lèse-majesté law, as defined in Article 112 of the Thai Penal Code, which criminalizes criticism of the monarchy and has been used to curb political expression, particularly during periods of military influence in government. The enforcement of this law has narrowed civic space, curtailed freedom of expression, and fostered an environment that suppresses public debate and political contestation. At the regional level, these domestic conditions intersect with broader governance challenges in Southeast Asia, where fragile institutions, historical legacies, and the ASEAN principle of non-interference have allowed authoritarian practices to persist. This paper suggests that democracy has made progress in parts of the region, however, Thailand’s experience illustrates how legal and political mechanisms can hinder further reform. In addition, the enduring obstacles through lèse-majesté and authoritarianism are still around in order to advance civil liberties and accountable governance both in Thailand and the region.</em></p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttps://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/61511FROM DISSENT TO DISCIPLINE: DEMOCRACY WITH CHINESE CHARACTERISTICS IN HONG KONG 2025-06-21T15:01:47+08:00Colin Mianqing Xiecolinhsieh39@gmail.com<p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Hong Kong’s political evolution since the 2019 protests has intensified Beijing’s recalibration of governance under the rubric of “democracy with Chinese characteristics.” Through the enactment of the National Security Law, sweeping electoral reforms, and the institutionalisation of the “patriots governing Hong Kong” principle, the city has transitioned from pluralistic contestation to a well-ordered participation model. Yet limited attention has been given to how Hong Kong is deployed as a showcase for legitimising China’s democratic paradigm. This article addresses whether Hong Kong can still be considered a “semi-democracy,” and, if not, what alternative classification is appropriate. Drawing on official white papers, policy addresses, and key legal texts, the analysis situates Hong Kong within wider debates on the operationalisation of “democracy with Chinese characteristics” and the resilience of authoritarian governance. </span></em></p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relationshttps://mjir.um.edu.my/index.php/mjir/article/view/61176TACKLING THE TRANSNATIONAL THREAT OF HUMAN TRAFFICKING IN THE POST-COVID-19 PANDEMIC ERA: THE ROLE OF MALAYSIA AS THE ASEAN CHAIR2025-07-19T14:52:48+08:00Sheila Devi Michael sheilamike@um.edu.my<p><em><span style="font-weight: 400;">Human trafficking remains a grave and persistent issue in Malaysia and across Southeast Asia, demanding urgent and coordinated action. Since the reopening of international borders following the COVID-19 pandemic, trafficking networks have swiftly adapted, employing advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence, to lure victims with fraudulent job opportunities, subsequently trapping them in exploitative online scam operations. Disturbingly, even Malaysians have fallen prey to these schemes and have been rescued by syndicates operating across the region. Child trafficking presents an equally pressing concern, with an alarming increase in cases involving vulnerable children, both from within and outside Southeast Asia, being subjected to sexual exploitation, forced labour, and coerced marriages. As the current Chair of ASEAN, Malaysia holds a critical leadership role in galvanising regional cooperation to address this transnational threat. The sophisticated tactics employed by modern traffickers necessitate an equally innovative, collaborative, and technology-driven response from governments, civil society organisations, and the international community. </span></em></p>2025-12-29T00:00:00+08:00Copyright (c) 2025 MJIR | Malaysian Journal of International Relations